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House Democrats react to Schumer announcement : NPR

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House Democrats, including Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, D-NY, responded quickly to news that Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer, D-NY, plans to vote for the House-passed spending measure that the party largely opposes.

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When Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer announced his plans to provide one of the key Democratic votes Republicans need to advance a partisan spending bill, the decision hit like a shockwave among House Democrats.

“I think there is a deep sense of outrage and betrayal and this is not just progressive Democrats — this is across the board, the entire party,” New York Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez told reporters Thursday night at a party retreat in Leesburg, Va.

“I think it is a huge slap in the face,” she said.

NPR has reached out to Schumer’s office for further comment.

House Democrats began their annual retreat already worried about how their Senate counterparts would vote on a GOP spending bill that all but one House Democrat voted against earlier in the week. Many Democrats saw that vote as a moment of solidarity and hoped Senators would follow suit.

“Democratic senators should stick together,” said Rep. Pramila Jayapal, D-Wash. before Schumer made the announcement.

Jayapal, the former Chair of the Progressive Caucus, warned that the vote is about more than just this spending bill. “If we give in on this, we’re going to give in on a whole bunch of things,” she said.

In remarks on the floor, Schumer explained his position, saying a government shutdown is a “far worse option” than passing the GOP’s spending bill.

Some House Democrats immediately and vehemently disagreed.

“I think they’re going to rue the day they made this decision,” said New York Rep. Joe Morelle, a member of the centrist New Democrat coalition. 

“Voting against the CR after you vote to allow the bill on the floor, which is what I assume some of them are trying to be too clever in doing,” Morelle sighed. “Frankly, now I think this just gives license to Republicans to continue to dismantle the government. They now have the acquiescence of Senate Democrats.”

Ocasio-Cortez pushed back against Schumer’s argument.

“I cannot underscore enough how incorrect that is, because what voting for this CR does, is that it codifies the chaos and the reckless cuts that Elon Musk has been pursuing,” she said. “That is what Senate Democrats will be empowering if they vote for the CR.”

She added there’s time to “correct course” and that she and her colleagues are calling and texting senators to implore them not to support the cloture vote slated for Friday morning.

“A shutdown is not inevitable,” she said. “We can pass a 30-day clean extension to allow Republicans to negotiate with Democrats in order for us to have a functioning government.”

Throughout the conference, members stressed the importance of a unified message from both the House and Senate to the public as the opposition party.

 “This is not a time to have a lack of clarity and lack of purpose. This is a time to be decisive about what you’re going to do,” New Mexico Rep. Gabe Vasquez told NPR Thursday before Schumer spoke.

Vasquez, who is also a member of the centrist New Democrats, called on Schumer to “step up and get his caucus together.”

“Show the American people that we’re going to stand up and fight for them in one of the very few opportunities that Democrats have to gain leverage over this administration.”

Later in the evening, House Democratic Leader Hakeem Jeffries, D-NY, and his top deputies released a statement saying the GOP bill will “unleash havoc on everyday Americans, giving Donald Trump and Elon Musk even more power to continue dismantling the federal government.”

Jeffries, along with whip Katherine Clark, D-Mass., and caucus chair Pete Aguilar, D-Calif., wrote that their caucus stands ready to vote for a four-week continuing resolution that brings parties back to the negotiating table.

“We remain strongly opposed to the partisan spending bill under consideration in the Senate,” the statement read.

Bardella, Leader of France’s Far-Right National Rally, Heads to Israel

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Jordan Bardella, the young president of France’s far-right National Rally, plans to visit Israel this month in a powerful symbol of his party’s shift from the home of French antisemitism to a vociferous friend of the Jews.

“Antisemitism is a poison,” Mr. Bardella told Le Journal du Dimanche, a Sunday newspaper, announcing that he plans to attend a Jerusalem conference on that subject in late March and visit areas of Israel attacked by Hamas on Oct. 7, 2023. “Our engagement in this combat is absolute.”

No leader of the far-right party, including its perennial presidential candidate, Marine Le Pen, has previously made an official visit to Israel. But the party’s stand against what it calls “Islamist ideology,” has led it to a sweeping embrace of Israel and the country’s fight against Hamas and Hezbollah. At the same time, the National Rally’s vehement anti-immigrant ideology, aimed particularly at Muslims, has earned it the support of some French Jews.

Many French Jews, however, remain steadfast in their opposition to the party. Bernard-Henri Lévy, a prominent intellectual and author last year of the book “Israel Alone,” an impassioned paean to Israel in the aftermath of the Oct. 7 attack, immediately announced that he had dropped out of the Jerusalem conference because Mr. Bardella is going. He informed President Isaac Herzog of Israel of his decision.

Jean-Marie Le Pen, the founder of the National Front, which became the National Rally in 2018, famously dismissed the Holocaust as a “detail” of history and called the Nazi occupation of France “not particularly inhumane,” despite the deportation of more than 75,000 Jews to Hitler’s death camps.

Over many years his daughter, Ms. Le Pen, aided of late by her 29-year-old protégé, Mr. Bardella, has sought to distance herself from her father’s antisemitism as part of a campaign for broader acceptance of a party long seen as a direct threat to French democracy. A French verb, “dédiaboliser,” became the epithet for the drive to end the National Rally’s “demonization.”

Serge Klarsfeld, a renowned Nazi hunter and a prominent French Jew, last year gave a significant stamp of approval to the party’s image makeover when he said he was prepared to vote for the National Rally against a far left he characterized as antisemitic.

“It’s quite normal given the activity I’ve had over the past 60 years, that between an antisemitic party and a pro-Jewish party, I’ll vote for the pro-Jewish one,” he said.

The far-left France Unbowed party has been vehement in its denunciation of Israel’s military operation in Gaza as a “genocide.” Its de facto leader, Jean-Luc Mélenchon, turning to antisemitic tropes, has impugned the loyalty to France of the president of the National Assembly and a former prime minister, both of Jewish descent.

Many French Jews, troubled by enduring anti-Muslim xenophobia among National Rally members, had severe misgivings over Mr. Klarsfeld’s new position and his equivocation. In 2022, he had co-signed an article in the Libération newspaper headlined, “No to Le Pen, daughter of racism and antisemitism.”

The National Rally, all taboos apparently shattered, now holds 123 of the 577 seats in the French Parliament.

Mr. Bardella met last month in the United States with Israel’s Diaspora Minister, Amichai Chikli, when both attended the Conservative Political Action Conference outside Washington. In a statement on X, Mr. Bardella said they had “fruitful discussions” on “the international fight against Islamic terrorism and antisemitism.”

The Israeli invitation to Mr. Bardella to attend the conference in Jerusalem on March 26 and 27 followed that meeting. A second prominent figure of the French far right, Marion Maréchal, the niece of Ms. Le Pen and a member of the European Parliament, will also attend the conference.

In the newspaper interview, Mr. Bardella said a sharp rise in antisemitic incidents in France was attributable to “Islamist ideology, reinforced by the naïveté of our immigration policy, the laxness of our laws, and the complicity of a left that has become the voice in France of Hamas beliefs.”

Widely seen as a potential presidential candidate in 2027, Mr. Bardella vowed to “reduce immigration drastically, promulgate a law banning Islamist ideology, expel extremist foreigners, close fanatical mosques and dissolve all Islamist offices in France.”

He said “the fight against antisemitism must be implacable,” and accused the French far left of “exchanging the French flag for the Palestinian.”

There were clear echoes of the Trump Administration in the policies put forward by Mr. Bardella. His own party and others on the far right across Europe have been emboldened by Mr. Trump’s first weeks in office.

Ms. Le Pen, 56, along with other party members, is on trial charged with the embezzlement of funds from the European Parliament between 2004 and 2016. She has denied any wrongdoing, but a conviction could complicate her presidential aspirations, or even lead to her becoming ineligible, and so give a boost to Mr. Bardella’s bid for the presidency. Up to now, they have skirted conflict over the potential clash of their ambitions.

Mr. Bardella’s announcement of his plans to go to Israel came as Bruno Retailleau, the interior minister, called for “extreme vigilance” during the upcoming Jewish holidays of Purim and Passover, in light of the “elevated level of terrorist threats.”

Trump Sees ‘Good Signals’ on Russia-Ukraine Cease-Fire. Zelensky Does Not.

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President Trump said Thursday he saw “good signals” toward finalizing a 30-day cease-fire agreement between Russia and Ukraine, as U.S. officials visiting Moscow were expected to meet with President Vladimir V. Putin of Russia.

The remarks, delivered in the Oval Office while meeting with NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte, came as Mr. Putin made clear he was in no hurry for a cease-fire, laying out numerous conditions before he could agree to a truce.

“It doesn’t mean anything until we hear what the final outcome is, but they have very serious discussions going on right now with President Putin and others, and hopefully they all want to end this nightmare,” Mr. Trump said of the meetings his Middle East envoy, Steve Witkoff, was having in Russia. “It’s a nightmare. It’s a horrible thing.”

Mr. Trump said he hoped to speak to Mr. Putin soon. He also said the U.S. had discussed with Ukraine possible concessions as part of a peace agreement.

“We’ve been discussing with Ukraine land and pieces of land that would be kept and lost, and all of the other elements of a final agreement,” Mr. Trump said.

He added: “A lot of the details of a final agreement have actually been discussed.”

President Volodymyr Zelensky of Ukraine struck a pessimistic tone in his evening address to Ukrainians on Thursday. Mr. Putin’s response to the cease-fire proposal, he said, was “very predictable.” Mr. Putin, he said, set so many preconditions “that nothing will work out at all, or that it will not work out for as long as possible.”

Despite Mr. Trump’s years of complaints about NATO, an organization from which he has repeatedly threatened to withdraw, the meeting with Mr. Rutte, a former Dutch prime minister, proceeded amicably as the two leaders discussed areas of cooperation.

Mr. Trump commended Mr. Rutte for “doing a fantastic job” while Mr. Rutte heaped praise on Mr. Trump, crediting him with revitalizing the organization by pushing countries to contribute more military spending.

“I really want to work together with you in the run-up to The Hague summit to make sure that we will have a NATO which is really reinvigorated under your leadership, and we are getting there,” Mr. Rutte said, referencing this summer’s meeting in the Netherlands.

Many American presidents have complained that other European allies do not spend enough on defense, relying instead on American protection, but Mr. Trump has escalated the rhetoric to a new level, suggesting the U.S. may not fulfill its mutual defense commitment for countries that have not contributed enough.

Mr. Trump’s more conciliatory approach to Russia and his sweeping tariffs on the European Union have also divided the alliance and its member states, some of which are starting to explore a future that does not depend so heavily on the United States.

Mr. Rutte, seeking to avoid the kind of confrontation that blew up Mr. Trump’s meeting with Mr. Zelensky in early March, complimented the U.S. president and tried to steer away from conflict — at least in front of news cameras.

When Mr. Trump was asked about his efforts to annex Greenland — a territory controlled by Denmark, a NATO member — the president noted that Mr. Rutte “could be instrumental” in making that happen.

“We have to do it,” he said. “We really need it for national security.”

Mr. Rutte deflected the question of the United States taking Greenland, saying he did not want to “drag NATO into that.” Instead, he pivoted to agreeing with Mr. Trump that Russia and China posed threats to the Arctic region.

Marc Santora in Kyiv and Luke Broadwater in Washington contributed reporting.

As Russia Tries to Push Ukraine Out of Kursk, Here’s What to Know

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Russian troops appear close to driving Ukraine from all the territory it seized in the Kursk region of Russia last year, a battlefield success that would deny President Volodymyr Zelensky of Ukraine a significant bargaining chip in any negotiations.

The Russian push in Kursk appeared to accelerate after President Trump froze military aid and intelligence support to Ukraine on March 3. The flow of aid resumed this week as Ukraine agreed to a Trump administration proposal for a 30-day cease-fire with Russia.

On Thursday, Mr. Putin expressed preliminary support for the proposal but said he still had questions that required more discussion. Those questions, he told a news conference, included the fate of Ukrainian troops still in Kursk — suggesting that he may demand Kyiv order them to lay down their arms.

Here is a look at the Ukrainian incursion — the first on Russian soil since World War II — and how Russian troops are fighting back.

Kursk is an area of western Russia that borders the Sumy region of Ukraine. Sumy had long been thought to be a place where Russia might try opening a new front in its full-scale invasion of Ukraine, which began in February 2022.

But in a move that surprised even its key allies, Ukrainian troops caught Moscow off guard last summer, pouring across a thinly defended border and opening a new front themselves.

The main objectives, one Ukrainian colonel told The New York Times, were to divert Russian troops from the grueling fighting in the eastern Donbas region of Ukraine, push Moscow’s artillery out of range of the Sumy region and damage Russian morale.

Within weeks of the incursion, Ukraine had established control over a slice of Kursk that its officials said encompassed nearly 500 square miles of farmland and settlements. Though barely a sliver of Russia, the largest country in the world, the assault was an embarrassment for Mr. Putin. It also surprised Ukraine’s allies, including the United States, who had not been told in advance.

The most important town in Kursk that Ukrainian forces seized was Sudzha, an administrative center with a population of around 5,000 people before the incursion.

Analysts said that Ukraine’s offensive was a gamble, stretching its military resources at a time when Kyiv’s troops were struggling to defend a long front line in their own territory.

Mr. Zelensky said that his military did not want to stay on Russian soil indefinitely, and that territory gained in Kursk could be used to strengthen Ukraine’s position in future negotiations with Moscow.

Initially, rather than diverting large numbers of troops to defend Kursk, Mr. Putin said that eastern Ukraine remained Moscow’s main military focus. Russian troops continued their creeping advance within Ukraine, taking the town of Vuhledar in October and then pushing farther west.

Weeks into its incursion in Kursk, Ukraine’s push slowed and its troops began gradually to lose ground as Russian forces deployed there in greater numbers.

Then, in the fall, Russia received a boost from its ally North Korea, which deployed around 11,000 soldiers to Kursk to assist Moscow’s defense. The deployment at first unnerved Ukraine and its allies. But the North Korean troops suffered wave after wave of heavy losses and, for a time, were withdrawn from the frontline.

In recent weeks, Russian forces, assisted by North Korean fighters, have advanced rapidly in Kursk, using drones and fighter jets to retake much of the territory that Ukraine had held.

In a sign of renewed military confidence, Mr. Putin visited a command post near the front in Kursk late Wednesday, the Kremlin said.

Ukraine’s top military commander, Gen. Oleksandr Syrsky, pushed back against the idea of an immediate Ukrainian withdrawal from the area. He said on Wednesday night that Ukrainian troops would “hold the line in the Kursk region for as long as it remains reasonable and necessary.”

On Thursday, Russia’s Defense Ministry claimed that its forces had retaken Sudzha. There was no immediate comment from Ukraine. If confirmed, that Russian advance would leave only small pockets of Russian land along the border under Ukrainian control.

German Tourists Detained for Weeks, Then Deported From U.S.

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Chained, detained for weeks and eventually deported, two German tourists trying to enter the United States were recently tangled in a system responding to President Trump’s push to sharply restrict entry and deport people en masse.

The cases of Jessica Brösche, held for 46 days, and Lucas Sielaff, held for 16, and accounts of their rough handling by immigration officers, have grabbed headlines in Germany as a sign of what being caught on the wrong side of the White House’s immigration policy could mean for European travelers.

Tourists from most European countries, including Germany, generally enjoy visa-free travel to the United States for up to 90 days. But Mr. Sielaff and Ms. Brösche were stopped, separately, at the San Ysidro border crossing between San Diego and Tijuana, told that they were being denied entry and sent to a crowded detention center, according to their own accounts and those of their friends.

Mr. Sielaff said he was denied a translator and had trouble understanding what was happening to him. Ms. Brösche’s friends said she was kept in solitary confinement for nine days. By their accounts, both were flown back to Germany without a clear understanding of why they were detained in the first place.

“Sometimes I just wake up because I have nightmares of this situation and what happened,” Mr. Sielaff, 25, said in an interview. “And I just try to go for walks and calm down.”

The family of a tourist from Britain, Becky Burke, 28, says she has been held for more than two weeks in Washington State, similarly caught up in the system but unsure why.

U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement, known as ICE, did not respond on Thursday to requests for comment on their cases.

Ms. Brösche was detained at the border on Jan. 25, according to an online fund-raising campaign that friends set up to lobby for her release. She was traveling on the Electronic System for Travel Authorization, or ESTA, available to tourists from countries who do not need a need a visa to travel to the United States but are still required to declare the purpose of their visit. She told the German newspaper Bild that she had completed the authorization and planned to enter the United States after spending a week in Tijuana.

At the border, officials flagged issues with her documentation, according to the online petition.

Ms. Brösche, a 29-year-old tattoo artist, could not be reached for an interview. But Nikita Lofving, a friend who has spoken with her, said in an interview that she thought officials saw the tattooing equipment in Ms. Brösche’s luggage and might have concluded that she planned to work in the United States, violating the terms of visa-free entry.

She was sent the Otay Mesa Detention Center in San Diego. The authorities told her she would be detained for “a couple of days,” according to the online fund-raiser, but “what followed was an alarming sequence of events: after being denied entry, Brösche was placed in solitary confinement for nine days.”

She remained at the center for more than six weeks, friends said, her case apparently lost in a border enforcement backlog.

“Just the sheer fact of not knowing what’s going on drove her insane,” Ms. Lofving said. “She could barely sleep the whole time she was in there. She was up at night crying.”

Ms. Brösche arrived back in Germany on Wednesday.

“She will need a few days to recover but she wants to speak out when she’s been fed and slept and probably cried a bit in her mom’s arms,” Ms. Lofving said.

Mr. Sielaff said he had traveled to the United States on Jan. 27 to see his partner, Lennon Tyler, an American psychologist who lives in Las Vegas. Three weeks later they drove to Tijuana for medical treatment for Dr. Tyler’s dog, but when they attempted to return on Feb. 18, they didn’t get past the border checkpoint.

He said he struggled to hear the border control officer questioning him, and gave a muddled answer. He and Dr. Tyler said the officers asked about his place of residence, suggesting that he had been illegally living in the United States, not just visiting, and then taken for questioning.

After Mr. Sielaff was bundled off to an interrogation room, he said, his repeated requests for a German translator were denied. He said the written report of his interrogation did not accurately reflect what he had said, or even the questions he had been asked.

“I said, I don’t live here, and I have to go back to Germany before the 90 days, and they didn’t even listen to me,” Mr. Sielaff said.

After more than an hour of questioning, he was denied re-entry to the U.S. and was chained to a bench along with other travelers.

Outside, Dr. Tyler said in an interview that she was also trying to get answers from officials. In response, she said, they searched her car, and when she raised objections, two bulky ICE officers detained her and took her to a separate room, where she was subjected to a humiliating body search.

“For the first time in my life, I’m in handcuffs,” she said. “As they’re walking me into a building, they’re twisting my arms.”

After the body search, she, too, was chained to a bench for a time before being released, she said, and repeatedly asked, “Why am I being detained? Is this legal? Can you do this to a United States citizen?”

She caught a glimpse of Mr. Sielaff as he was being led to the bathroom, and it was the last time she saw him in person. Dr. Tyler has now started a civil claim over her detention, her lawyer said.

“I threw my arms around him, and we both had tears in our eyes,” Dr. Tyler said in an interview. “And I said, I’m going to get a lawyer. I’m going to get you out, I promise you.”

Mr. Sielaff was held at the border post for two more days, sleeping on a bench under a Mylar blanket, and then transferred to the Otay Mesa Detention Center. For two weeks there, he said, he shared a cell with eight other people, and waited in long lines to heat his food in the one microwave oven shared by more than 120 people.

He said the only way he was given to communicate with the ICE agents assigned to his case was through a tablet computer shared among inmates — but he didn’t know who those agents were.

“I asked so many people if they know who my ICE officer is,” he said in an interview. “I don’t even know who it was in the end.”

Dr. Tyler called the immigration authorities daily, she hired lawyers who also called them, she gave news media interviews and she reached out repeatedly to a German Consulate. Eventually, last week, Mr. Sielaff was allowed voluntary deportation, on a flight that cost him $2,744.

“My lawyer said bother them until they let him go,” Dr. Tyler said. “And that’s what Lucas and I did. We just made ourselves a nuisance.”

Democratic Rep. Raúl M. Grijalva of Arizona dies at 77 : NPR

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House Natural Resources Committee Chairman Raul Grijalva, D-Ariz., speaks at the Capitol in Washington, D.C., March 28, 2022.

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WASHINGTON — Democratic U.S. Rep. Raúl M. Grijalva of Arizona, who championed environmental protection during his 12 terms in Congress, died Thursday of complications from cancer treatments, his office said.

Grijalva, who was 77, had risen to chair the U.S. House Natural Resources Committee and was the top Democrat on the committee until earlier this year. He had been absent from Congress as he underwent cancer treatment in recent months.

Grijalva’s office said in a statement, “From permanently protecting the Grand Canyon for future generations to strengthening the Affordable Care Act, his proudest moments in Congress have always been guided by community voices.”

Another Democratic House member, Rep. Sylvester Turner of Texas, died last week from health issues.

Grijalva, the son of a Mexican immigrant, was first elected to the House in 2002. Known as a liberal leader, he led the Congressional Progressive Caucus in 2008 and dedicated much of his career to working on environmental causes on the Natural Resources Committee. He stepped down from that position this year, after announcing that he planned to retire rather than run for reelection in 2026.

Grijalva had announced in April last year that he had been diagnosed with cancer, but would be able to continue his work. Despite missing hundreds of House votes, he sought reelection and won easily in one of the most solidly Democratic districts in Arizona.

The seat will remain vacant until a replacement is selected in a special election later this year.

The Democratic primary is likely to be a fierce battle between allies of Grijalva, a longtime Southern Arizona power broker who led an influential bloc of progressive elected officials, and a more moderate faction. Possible contenders include his daughter, Adelita Grijalva, a member of the Pima County Board of Supervisors, and Tucson Major Regina Romero, one of Grijalva’s longtime allies.

Democratic Sen. Ruben Gallego of Arizona, who served in the House until last year, said in a statement that “Congressman Grijalva was not just my colleague, but my friend.”

“As another Latino working in public service, I can say from experience that he served as a role model to many young people across the Grand Canyon State. He spent his life as a voice for equality,” Gallego added.

Grijalva started out as a community organizer in Tucson and served on the local school board for years before being elected the Pima County Board of Supervisors. He resigned from that post in 2002 to seek office in what was then Arizona’s newly created 7th Congressional District.

Grijalva prided himself on representing what he considered the underdogs, those without a voice.

A member of the House Natural Resources Committee for more than two decades, he worked on issues that ranged from securing water supplies for drought-stricken parts of Arizona and the West to securing funding for the federal Land and Water Conservation Fund, which safeguards natural areas and provides recreation opportunities to the public.

He also played a key role in writing the National Landscape Conservation System Act and the Federal Lands Restoration Act, which were passed and signed by President Barack Obama.

In recent years, he also led advocacy in Congress for the creation of a new national monument near the Grand Canyon. It was part of an effort to protect the area from uranium mining and to acknowledge repeated calls by Native American tribes that sought to protect more of their ancestral homelands.

He also opposed plans to develop a major copper mine in southern Arizona.

Rep. David Schweikert, a Republican and fellow Arizonan, said on the social platform X that Grijalva “was always very kind to me — he had a great sense of humor. As a fellow animal lover, we often found ourselves working together on animal protection issues.”

Putin, in No Hurry for 30-Day Truce, Seeks Ukrainian Concessions

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President Vladimir V. Putin of Russia on Thursday did not rule out a U.S. and Ukrainian proposal for a monthlong cease-fire, but he set down numerous conditions that would most likely delay any truce — or could make one impossible to achieve.

Mr. Putin’s comments during a news conference highlighted the balance he was trying to strike, exuding confidence in Russia’s position on the battlefield while seeking to continue talks with the United States and avoid upsetting President Trump. The U.S. president, having antagonized the country’s allies and realigned American foreign policy in Russia’s favor, has emerged as a key geopolitical partner for Mr. Putin.

In sharp remarks later in the day, President Volodymyr Zelensky of Ukraine said the Russian leader set so many conditions “that nothing will work out at all or that it will not work out for as long as possible.”

Mr. Putin’s comments came before he was to meet with Steve Witkoff, Mr. Trump’s Middle East envoy, to discuss the cease-fire proposal that Ukraine had already agreed to. As of early Friday Moscow time, the Kremlin had not commented on how the meeting went. But the Kremlin said Mr. Putin had also spoken with Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, the de facto leader of Saudi Arabia, about Ukraine.

Mr. Putin’s remarks came as Russia kept up its momentum in the key battle in the Kursk region of Russia, where Moscow’s forces appeared close to pushing Ukraine out of the territory it seized last summer. Such a development would reduce Kyiv’s leverage in future peace talks.

“The idea itself is the right one, and we definitely support it,” Mr. Putin said, referring to the cease-fire proposal. “But there are questions that we need to discuss, and I think that we need to talk them through with our American colleagues and partners.”

Mr. Putin suggested that his conditions would include limits to Ukraine’s ability to mobilize more troops and import weaponry during a cease-fire — restrictions that would put Kyiv at a deeper disadvantage if the fighting restarted.

Mr. Putin’s comments were the first about the cease-fire offer that emerged from negotiations between the United States and Ukraine in Saudi Arabia this week. They suggested that the Russian leader viewed that proposal as just a part of a broader negotiation between Washington and Moscow, and that he was eager to show that he was engaging with Mr. Trump’s efforts to end the war that Mr. Putin began with his full-scale invasion three years ago.

Mr. Putin said he might “have a call with President Trump and talk it over with him.” When asked later on Thursday if he would speak with the Russian president, Mr. Trump said he would “love to meet” and talk with him.

“We’d like to see a cease-fire from Russia,” Mr. Trump told reporters while meeting with the NATO secretary general, Mark Rutte, in the Oval Office.

Mr. Trump said the United States had discussed with Ukraine possible concessions as part of a peace agreement. “We’ve been discussing with Ukraine land and pieces of land that would be kept and lost, and all of the other elements of a final agreement,” Mr. Trump said, adding, “A lot of the details of a final agreement have actually been discussed.”

Mr. Putin appears keen to stay on Mr. Trump’s good side, given the geopolitical victories that the U.S. president has already delivered for the Kremlin.

But Mr. Putin’s comments also showed that the Russian leader saw his forces as having the upper hand on the battlefield and that it would be to Russia’s advantage to draw out the negotiations.

He said on Thursday that Russia would continue to insist on a peace deal that addressed the “original causes” of the war — suggesting that his push for major Western concessions, such as a reduction of NATO’s presence in Eastern Europe, hadn’t changed, though it wasn’t clear if he would make them a stipulation for a monthlong cease-fire.

Mr. Zelensky called Mr. Putin’s response to the cease-fire proposal “very predictable, very manipulative.”

“Putin, of course, is afraid to tell President Trump directly that he wants to continue this war, wants to kill Ukrainians,” he said in his evening address.

Mr. Putin was straightforward in declaring that a quick truce would be better for Ukraine than for Russia.

“In these conditions, it seems to me that it would be very good for the Ukrainian side if there were a cease-fire, even for 30 days,” Mr. Putin said. “And we’re in favor of it. But there are nuances.”

He then listed those “nuances,” starting with the Ukrainian forces still in Kursk. He said that Russia would not allow those troops to peacefully withdraw and that the Ukrainian leadership could instead order them “to simply surrender.”

Ukraine stunned Russia in August with a cross-border incursion into Kursk, seizing several hundred square miles of territory.

But Russia’s Defense Ministry said on Thursday that the country’s military had regained full control of Sudzha, the main town in Kursk that Ukraine had seized. Ukrainian officials have not confirmed a retreat from the town, where Wednesday night Kyiv’s military reported fierce fighting. If confirmed, such a retreat would leave only small pockets of Russian land along the border under Ukrainian control.

Mr. Putin also suggested he might demand that Ukraine’s Western allies halt arms deliveries, and said it was not clear how the cease-fire would be monitored along a front line of some 700 miles.

“These are all questions demanding very careful study,” he said.

While Mr. Putin’s conditions may be impossible for Ukraine to accept, he did not repeat his onerous demand from last year that a cease-fire would depend on Ukraine’s withdrawing from the four Ukrainian regions that Russia had declared as its own but did not fully control.

Still, Dara Massicot, a Russian military specialist at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, which is based in Washington, called Mr. Putin’s new demands “very dangerous for Ukraine.”

In effect, she argued, Mr. Putin was pushing for a scenario in which the West would not be able to help Ukraine rebuild its armed forces while Russian factories pumped out new weaponry.

“What Putin said today implies that the West cannot support Ukraine while Russia regenerates,” she said.

Reporting was contributed by Maria Varenikova from Kyiv, Ukraine; Marc Santora from Dnipro, Ukraine; Paul Sonne from Berlin; and Eric Schmitt from Washington.

Tesla is losing liberal fans. Can Republican buyers fill the gap? : NPR

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President Trump, accompanied by Tesla CEO Elon Musk and his son X Æ A-Xii, speaks next to a line of Tesla vehicles on the South Lawn of the White House on Tuesday. Trump said he would purchase a Tesla vehicle in what he calls a “show of confidence and support” for Musk. But while Musk is very popular among Republicans, Democrats remain more interested in purchasing electric vehicles.

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Once upon a time, owning a Tesla signaled that a driver was tech-savvy, eco-conscious, or just plain rich. Now, for many people, it signals something different: an endorsement of Elon Musk’s politics.

Musk’s rightward turn — including his embrace of President Trump, his central role in slashing and dismantling government agencies, a litany of controversial remarks and one lightning rod of a gesture — has triggered a remarkable backlash, analysts say.

Massive protests at Tesla dealerships. Owners with buyers’ remorse and apologetic bumper stickers. People calling Teslas “swasticars.” Vandalism, and sometimes violence, against Tesla vehicles, chargers and storefronts.

But, of course, there are also many Americans who celebrate Musk’s actions. Could Republican support — in some cases, a backlash to the backlash — make up for lost sales?

President Trump seems to hope so: Despite his previous scathing criticisms of electric vehicles over price and travel range, this week, he said that he’d buy a Tesla as a “show of support” for his adviser. In a photo op at the White House, he sat in a red Model S and told reporters he hoped his purchase would boost Tesla sales.

Survey data does clearly show that the Tesla brand is soaring in popularity among Republicans and conservatives. But there’s a problem for the auto company: The liberals, moderates and independents that Musk is driving away are more likely to consider an electric vehicle. The new fans he’s winning over — for now — not so much. Some surveys have found a gap of more than 20 percentage points.

“There are going to be no explosion of sales that recover the losses that Tesla has been enduring because of this political shift,” says Alexander Edwards, the head of Strategic Vision, a company that surveys new vehicle buyers. “All they’ve done is alienate their primary consumer,” and won new fans who aren’t in a position to buy an EV, he says.

Mike Murphy, a Republican political consultant, is more optimistic. Slightly. “He could help make Republicans consider EVs more, take a little of the political stigma away,” he says. “But it has nowhere near the short-term impact upon Tesla that Elon’s Bond villain status among Democrats and among Harris voters has.”

For some conservatives, Musk is a reason to buy

The backlash against Musk has been brewing at least since 2022, when he announced his plans to buy Twitter and his social media posting, often on political topics, increased significantly. And from the beginning, responses did cut both ways.

At the time, Norman Pieniążek was beyond frustrated with Twitter and other social media platforms. In the 1980s, Pieniążek had been an underground publisher in Poland, fighting against censorship after the government imposed martial law there. He later moved to the U.S., and when his posts challenging the science around COVID were taken down by Facebook and Twitter, it felt like censorship all over again.

Then Musk announced he wanted to buy Twitter to unlock its potential as “the platform for free speech around the globe.”

“I said ‘Okay, that’s my guy,'” Pieniążek recalled. He needed a new car anyway, and was planning to get a gas-powered one. But he changed his mind. “My heart is with him,” he remembers thinking. “I have to put my money where my heart is.”

He bought a Model X.

People participate in a "TeslaTakedown" protest against Elon Musk outside of a Tesla showroom in Seattle, Washington, on February 15. Musk's job-cutting efforts at the "Department of Government Efficiency," along with controversial remarks and a straight-armed gesture, have prompted a widespread backlash against him and his companies. Tesla's brand has been growing more politicized for several years now.

People participate in a “Tesla Takedown” protest against Elon Musk outside a Tesla showroom in Seattle, Wash., on Feb. 15. Tesla’s brand has been growing more politicized for several years now.

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Jason Redmond/AFP via Getty Images

Meanwhile, some conservative buyers are motivated by disgust with the backlash against Musk and Trump, which they consider unfair.

“It’s honestly made me want to buy more cars from Tesla,” says Kamali Wright, who works in marketing in Florida. He owns a Model 3 and calls Musk and Trump his two favorite people.

“If everybody’s going to hate on this guy,” he says, “that’s going to make me buy even more.”

Wright wants to get a Cybertruck next.

Data shows Republican support is rising

The investment banking company Stifel, working with polling firm Morning Consult, found that among Republicans, favorable opinions of Tesla started rising in February 2024, while interest in buying one picked up that August. Among Democrats, net positive views of Tesla dropped 22 percentage points from February; among Republicans, they rose 16 percentage points. Democratic net purchase consideration dropped 12 percentage points since August; among Republicans, it increased 13 percentage points.

“It’s pretty eye-opening,” says analyst Stephen Gengaro, who wrote a report on the findings.

But then he pulls up a different chart, showing how political partisanship lines up with overall interest in buying an EV. And there, Democrats hovered 10 percentage points above Republicans throughout the last four years, through January 2025.

And that’s not just a question of ideological opposition to battery-powered cars. It’s also about what Republicans tend to prefer in a vehicle. EVs’ towing problems, for instance, can be an issue for Republican buyers, who are “significantly more likely to be in a truck and using their vehicle for work,” notes Edwards, of Strategic Vision. And charging infrastructure tends to be concentrated in cities; rural areas tend Republican. Even outside cities, states with progressive governments have been more interested in building out EV infrastructure as part of fighting climate change. Add it up, and it tips the scale against EVs for some buyers.

“Tesla has gained a large number of Republican fans who love what Mr. Musk is doing, both politically and with the brand of vehicle and with social media,” says Edwards. “But they have little interest in an electrified vehicle.”

Edwards has been asking Tesla buyers about their political affiliations for the last decade. Last year, for the first time the data showed that the average Tesla buyer was more likely to be a Republican than a Democrat.

But that wasn’t because Republican purchases were surging; it was because Democrats were fleeing the brand.

In contrast, Democrats continue to dominate among buyers of other electric vehicles.

Edwards thinks this political shift also explains a trend among car shoppers overall. His data shows the number of buyers who would “definitely consider” a Tesla dropped by nearly two-thirds between October 2021 and December 2024.

In short, it’s a problem for Tesla that the demographic that’s the most interested in EVs — liberals and progressives — is finding the most successful EV-maker in America repellent.

After the election, Murphy, the Republican strategist, conducted a national poll focused on Musk. “If you voted for Kamala Harris, you give Elon a 76% negative rating and only a 5% positive rating — which is saying something, because the margin of error on the poll is 4%,” he says. “So scientifically, [we] can’t even quite prove there are Harris voters who like Elon on the planet.”

Politics don’t explain all Tesla’s woes

Tesla and Musk did not respond to requests for comment, but Musk has previously said it’s the quality of the product that matters, not a CEO’s views.

But Jessica Caldwell, an analyst with the car data company Edmunds, says that Tesla is different from other car companies. Most Americans probably couldn’t name another auto CEO, she points out.

She thinks it’s certainly true that some new Republican buyers will make up for some lost sales to Democrats. But Tesla’s problem is more profound than that, she says: “Why would you ever want to alienate current customers — or just potential buyers in general?”

Still, it’s possible to overstate the role of politics in Tesla’s flagging sales. There’s more competition for the brand, as companies like General Motors, Ford, Honda and Hyundai ramp up their EV production (and globally, Chinese automakers take a huge slice of the EV market). Tesla is also rolling out an update to the Model Y, giving shoppers a reason to wait a few months; analysts say that’s currently pulling pull sales down.

There are also plenty of drivers who say their feelings about Musk have nothing to do with what’s in their driveway. Some people are outraged by Musk but still think Teslas are superior vehicles. Some Trump fans love Musk but can’t give up the growl of an engine. And there’s Nancy Baroody, who is a big fan of Musk — when I ask if that played any role in her decision to buy a Tesla last fall, she’s a little baffled.” I really don’t let politics influence what kind of a product I like,” she says.

For EVs, politicization isn’t new 

Politics aren’t everything for a car brand — but they’re still something. And that’s especially true for EVs.

Murphy, who has launched a group called the American EV Jobs Alliance to try to build bipartisan support for electric vehicles, has spent years pondering why more Republicans won’t buy them. He argues that long before Musk’s political turn, EVs were already politicized — as symbols of “green,” liberal values.

“They were seen as political statements, not as cars,” he says. “And that’s not good for selling more electric vehicles.”

A Tesla Cybertruck emblazoned with "TRUMP" sits in traffic in Washington, D.C., ahead of President Trump's inauguration in January.

A Tesla Cybertruck emblazoned with “TRUMP” sits in traffic in Washington, D.C., ahead of President Trump’s inauguration in January.

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Christopher Furlong/Getty Images

Murphy would like to see EVs sold on their merits: The gas savings, the quick acceleration, the smooth and quiet ride, never having to do another oil change. Yes, they’re better for the climate, and that motivates many buyers to seek them out. But leave that out of the marketing, he urges automakers.

“Take the politics out of it,” he says, “and let people with clear eyes pick the car that’s best for them.” If they did, he thinks, a lot more of them would pick EVs.

But right now, Murphy says, the politics of buying an EV aren’t going away — just getting more complicated. What Musk is doing, he says, is a little bit like pouring gasoline on a battery fire.

Friday Briefing: Putin Speaks on Ukraine Cease-Fire

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President Vladimir Putin of Russia yesterday seemed to voice preliminary support for a cease-fire, but made it clear he was in no hurry. He said he wanted to continue negotiating with President Trump, but told reporters in Moscow that Russia was in favor of a 30-day truce — with numerous conditions.

Among the questions he hopes to address, Putin said, is whether Kyiv would continue getting arms shipments during the truce, and how the cease-fire would be monitored and enforced. He said that Ukrainian forces occupying land in the Kursk region wouldn’t be allowed to peacefully withdraw. Kyiv could instead order them “to simply surrender.” He did not repeat his demand that Kyiv cede land from four regions in exchange for a cease-fire.

Trump said yesterday that the U.S. and Ukraine had been discussing land that Kyiv would have to give up as part of an agreement to end the war, and told reporters that “a lot of the details of a final agreement have actually been discussed.”

Quote: President Volodymyr Zelensky of Ukraine said that Putin only wanted to continue the war and had set so many preconditions “that nothing will work out at all or that it will not work out for as long as possible.”

President Trump escalated his trade war with the E.U. yesterday, announcing he would “shortly place” 200 percent tariffs on European wine and champagne if the bloc did not reverse its own U.S. tariffs planned for April 1.

The S&P 500 fell 1.4 percent, slipping into correction territory and underscoring investors’ souring mood over Trump’s policies.

European leaders have made it clear that they would rather make a deal with Trump than enact tariffs. In an interview yesterday, Howard Lutnick, the U.S. commerce secretary, warned other countries against retaliating. “If you make him unhappy, he responds unhappy,” Lutnick said of Trump.

What’s next: The E.U. trade commissioner will have calls with his U.S. counterparts in Washington today, a spokesman said.

Vineyards: A 200 percent tariff “would kill the business totally,” said an owner of a small Champagne house that exports 10 to 12 percent of its annual production to the U.S.

During 13 years of civil war, more than six million Syrians left the country and some seven million have been displaced within its borders. After President Bashar al-Assad was ousted last year, the interim leader has said millions can return. But after more than a decade of fighting, rubble is all that’s left of thousands of homes.

Some people have chosen to live in their homes, no matter how damaged. Many others have decided to remain outside Syria for the time being, including in camps in Turkey and Jordan. They watch as recent sectarian violence plays out on the country’s coast.


Japan held a rare auction this week, but not for art or antique cars. On the table were nearly 150,000 metric tonnes of rice from the government’s emergency stockpile, sold off to drive down prices during a national shortage. Nobody is quite sure what caused the problem, but experts think that speculators may be hoarding the grain in anticipation of rising prices.

An official called the crisis “truly unthinkable.”

Lives lived: James Reason, a British professor who became an authority on the psychology of human error through his Swiss cheese model for failure, died at 86.

Mammoths and other ice age creatures once roamed the Yakutia region of Russia, and the freezing climate has kept their fossils hidden under permafrost for centuries. Now, explorers are diving in the ice-covered Adycha River for skulls and tusks that are thousands of years old.

Temperatures can reach brutal lows, and success is unpredictable. Sometimes the river gives a lot, and sometimes nothing.

“The world under the water is so strange and mysterious,” one diver said. “It looks like this ancient cemetery.”

What the EPA’s environmental regulation rollbacks actually mean : NPR

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Duke Energy’s Marshall Steam Station coal power plant operates near Mooresville, N.C.

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The Environmental Protection Agency just announced plans to reconsider 31 rules and policies that largely address climate change or aim to reduce pollution from burning fossil fuels. EPA Administrator Lee Zeldin described it as “the greatest day of deregulation our nation has seen.”

But announcing big changes to environmental rules doesn’t undo facts on the ground overnight. EPA provided no details about whether it plans to weaken rules or get rid of them, as NPR reported. Instead, EPA’s announcement is the first step in what is likely to be a lengthy process to remake the rules and policies it targeted.

President Trump has called climate change a hoax and railed against wind turbines, energy efficiency standards and electric vehicles. He signed an executive order that halted billions of dollars to a vast range of climate and environmental projects under the previous administration’s Inflation Reduction Act and Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act. The impact of that move was felt immediately: community groups and corporations alike found their grant money frozen, leading to stalled projects and layoffs.

Amending federal rules and regulations is different — changes are likely to be felt over a much longer time horizon.. That’s because the foundational environmental laws of the country prescribe a process for making and unmaking rules. The EPA has to publish what its new rule will look like–a “proposed rule. EPA then seeks public comment on the rule and responds to that feedback. It also must get input from other federal agencies that might be affected by the changes EPA proposes. Industry and advocates have an opportunity to weigh in. The process takes months, if not longer, before a final rule is issued.

If the Trump administration tries to short-circuit these processes, its critics will likely sue and the courts could rule against EPA on process grounds. In any event, environmental advocates are likely to sue the regulator on most, if not all, the announced changes. That could further slow things down.

Another variable is the administration’s plan to slash EPA’s staff and spending. Changing rules in a way that survives court challenges takes specialized staff. But cuts loom for EPA at a time when it has pledged to move simultaneously to redo 31 rules and policies, a huge lift regardless of staffing.

The impact of EPA’s vision will play out in Washington, the courts and ultimately, in communities. NPR will continue to report on what all that means for human health, the climate and the broader environment.