The Israeli Army lookouts were monitoring Hamas in Gaza across a security fence from a base in southern Israel. As it turned out, Hamas was also watching them.

The four women released by Hamas on Saturday after more than 15 months in captivity in Gaza are “spotters” for the army who were stationed in a small military base about a half-mile from the border.

In the first minutes of the Hamas-led dawn assault on Oct. 7, 2023, gunmen burst through the fence and overran the base, Nahal Oz. Dozens of soldiers were killed, including 15 spotters. The gunmen also dragged seven lookouts — unarmed female conscripts in their late teens — onto trucks and drove them into Gaza. Some were still in their pajamas, some bloodied from wounds.

One of them, Pvt. Ori Megidish, 19, was rescued three weeks later by Israeli forces. Another, Cpl. Noa Marciano, 19, was injured in an Israeli airstrike and then killed by militants inside Gaza’s Shifa hospital, according to the military. Hamas said she died in the bombing.

Four of the remaining five, Naama Levy, Karina Ariev and Daniella Gilboa, who are now all 20, and Liri Albag, 19, were released on Saturday as part of a cease-fire deal providing for the release of scores of Palestinian prisoners, many of them convicted of killing Israelis. A fifth spotter, Agam Berger, is slated to be released in the coming days or weeks under that deal, which came into effect on Jan. 19.

Ms. Levy, Ms. Berger and Ms. Albag were recent recruits who had arrived at the base less than two days before the attack. The Israeli military has not disclosed the rank of the captured soldiers.

The capture of the lookouts underscored what many Israelis view as the worst military, intelligence and governmental debacle in their country’s history. Their families are still waiting for a formal investigation into the fall of Nahal Oz.

Relatives and former lookouts said the women were on constant alert for the possibility of a cross-border raid, though they did not envisage anything on the scale of the one that happened.

“All the time, they told us there’d be a raid,” said Amit Yerushalmi, 22, a former lookout who served at the Nahal Oz base from December 2021 until about a week before the assault. But she said they had expected a localized event along the fence, like an attempt to abduct a couple of soldiers.

“We would joke about whose shift the raid would fall on,” Ms. Yerushalmi said.

In the months leading up to the assault, Ms. Yerushalmi said, there were growing signs of something afoot. She said the spotters saw convoys of 20 to 30 white pickup trucks filled with Hamas fighters driving along the border with increasing frequency, stopping occasionally and peering into Israel through binoculars. They would also put up drones a few times a day, Ms. Yerushalmi said.

The spotters reported the activity, she and several relatives of the other lookouts said, but were told by their superiors that their job was to be the eyes, not the brains, of the Israeli military. Their reports, they said, appeared to have been dismissed.

The Israeli military declined to comment on the specific claims, but said in a statement that it was “reviewing the events of October 7 and what preceded them” with the goal of deriving lessons for the continuation of the army’s operations.

When the attack came, thousands of Hamas-led gunmen and marauders burst through the fence and overran military bases, border villages and towns, as well as a music festival. About 1,200 people were killed in Israel that day, and another 250 were taken as hostages into Gaza, according to the Israeli authorities. The assault set off a 15-month war that has killed more than 46,000 Palestinians, Gaza health authorities say, and has left much of the coastal enclave in ruins.

It took hours for any backup forces to arrive at Nahal Oz. The lookouts’ commanders were at a different base, farther from the border.

“I still don’t know what really happened there,” said Eyal Eshel, the father of Sgt. Roni Eshel, one of the 15 lookout soldiers killed at Nahal Oz. Mr. Eshel conducted his own research into the events and is pressing for a formal inquiry into the failures on that day.

“I understood one thing,” Mr. Eshel said of the research he had done on the fate of the spotters. “Their abandonment and the disdain for them was so great.”

The evening before the raid, the lookouts were in a festive mood, sharing a sabbath meal together, singing and saying goodbye to a team member, Staff Sgt. Shahaf Nissani, 20, who was completing her mandatory service. Her mother had delivered food to the base.

The lookouts worked four-hour shifts, with eight hours’ rest in between. They were trained to never take their eyes off the screens in the operations room.

Karina Ariev’s family was not overly worried when she was assigned to Nahal Oz, said her cousin Anna Astmaker. “This was within the borders of the country,” she said. But Ms. Ariev told them she did not feel safe there, her cousin said.

Ms. Ariev, the daughter of immigrants from Ukraine, was on duty from midnight until 4 a.m. early on Oct. 7. Sergeant Eshel was part of another group that took over at 4 a.m.

At 6:29 a.m., militants fired a barrage of rockets out of Gaza, providing a smoke screen as exploding drones knocked out key communications and surveillance towers.

As sirens warned of incoming rocket fire, the off-duty lookouts ran from their sleeping quarters to an aboveground shelter.

Within minutes, waves of Hamas commandos had burst through Israel’s vaunted defenses, some in white pickup trucks, and the base was quickly overrun.

In the operations room, Sergeant Eshel was using codewords to report the raid as it unfolded in a voice rising with urgency, according to an audio recording released by the military. Then the cameras were destroyed, and the monitoring screens went blank.

Dozens of armed soldiers who were stationed at the base on a rotation fought to their last bullets. The assailants shot and threw grenades into the shelter where the lookouts were hiding, killing and injuring many of them.

Ms. Ariev called her parents from the shelter to say goodbye, according to Ms. Astmaker. She told them to continue to live if she did not survive, and continued texting with them until 7:20 a.m., when all contact was lost.

Footage soon emerged on social media of Ms. Ariev and other lookouts being taken to Gaza.

There has been scant information about them since. Ms. Ariev appeared in a hostage video a year ago with Ms. Gilboa and Doron Steinbrecher, one of three women released on Jan. 19.

Ms. Albag appeared this month in the most recent hostage video released by Hamas, which analysts said was probably intended to put pressure on Israel for a cease-fire deal.

The surveillance soldiers who were in the operations room at the time of the assault were alive for nearly six hours until midday, waiting to be rescued, according to information gathered by Mr. Eshel and testimony given last year to an informal inquiry that he initiated with other bereaved families and survivors of the assault.

In a battle around the operations room, four combat soldiers fought to their deaths, the inquiry found. The assailants then set the operations room ablaze. Seven more combat soldiers and only one of the lookouts managed to find their way through the thick smoke and escape through a small bathroom window. Sergeant Eshel and the others on duty died in the inferno.

Only one other lookout escaped alive from the shelter. In all, more than 50 soldiers were killed in the Nahal Oz base, 15 of them lookouts.

Sergeant Eshel was classified as missing for 34 days until the military confirmed her death, based on DNA. But, Mr. Eshel said, “There are a lot of open questions.”

Israel’s military chief, Lt. Gen. Herzi Halevi, announced his resignation this past week and said that before he departs, in March, the military would finalize the series of long-awaited internal inquiries into its failure on Oct. 7. The results of the internal inquiries will be made available to the public, the military says.

Mr. Eshel believes his daughter knew she would not make it out alive. The oldest of three siblings, she always signed off her messages with five red heart emojis, one for each member of the family, he said. In her last message to her mother from the operations room, at 9:27 a.m., she said not to worry and signed off with only four hearts.

Hamas on Saturday released four female Israeli soldiers held hostage in the Gaza Strip, in a choreographed ceremony that was the latest sign of the group’s effort to project power despite Israel’s 470-day military campaign to dislodge them.

It was the second release of hostages as part of a cease-fire deal that went into effect nearly a week earlier. Per the agreement, Israel released 200 Palestinian prisoners on Saturday who had been held in Israeli jails.

A line of white buses carrying prisoners left Ofer prison in the Israeli-occupied West Bank. Prisoners were also released from another facility near Beersheba in southern Israel, the Israeli prison service said.

Many of the 200 prisoners released on Saturday were serving life sentences for involvement in attacks against Israelis. Around 70 are being exiled abroad as part of the agreement and will not be allowed to return to their homes in the West Bank and Jerusalem, according to a list provided by the Palestinian authorities.

But the prisoner-hostage swap on Saturday did not go entirely to plan. Rear Adm. Daniel Hagari, an Israeli military spokesman, accused Hamas of violating the deal by not returning captive Israeli civilians first. Israeli officials said that under the agreement, Arbel Yehud, an Israeli woman held hostage in Gaza, was supposed to be one of the four women released on Saturday.

Israel had been expected to withdraw some of its forces to allow hundreds of thousands of displaced Gazans to head north after Saturday’s exchange. But the Israeli prime minister’s office said that it would not allow Gazans to head north “until the release of the civilian Arbel Yehud has been arranged,” leaving the timing of the troop withdrawal and the residents’ return unclear.

Hamas accused Israel of hesitating to fully implement the cease-fire agreement. The dispute is one of the most significant between the parties since the cease-fire took effect.

Israeli officials said they believed that Ms. Yehud wasn’t being held by Hamas, suggesting she was possibly being held by another party, and that the holdup was not solely Hamas’s responsibility.

The four Israeli hostages released by Hamas on Saturday, who were dressed in military-style clothes, had been working as lookouts for Israel’s army, reporting on suspicious activity across the border, when they were captured. During the Hamas-led attack on Oct. 7, 2023, militants stormed the Nahal Oz military base in Israel, killing more than 50 soldiers and abducting the four women and three other female soldiers.

Under the terms of the cease-fire deal, fighting between the Israeli military and Hamas militants stopped in the morning of Sunday, Jan 19. The first hostages, three women seized in the 2023 attack, were released on Sunday, in exchange for 90 Palestinian prisoners being held in Israel, who were released hours later.

The current phase of the cease-fire is to last just 42 days and free only 33 of about 100 hostages still in Gaza, some of whom are believed to be dead. Significant diplomatic hurdles to extending the cease-fire lie ahead. Israel and Hamas reached the deal in part by putting off their most intractable disputes until a vaguely-described “second phase,” which may be difficult to negotiate.

During the hostage handover ceremony on Saturday, armed Hamas fighters dressed in pristine uniforms, their faces covered, escorted the four hostages to a stage at Palestine Square in the center of Gaza City. Then they were handed over to a representative of the Red Cross.

The stage-managed ceremony, seemingly meant to convey Hamas’ strength and control in Gaza, included some jarring juxtapositions.

The backdrop to the handover was a large banner printed with slogans, one of which described Palestine in English as “The Victory of the Oppressed People vs the Nazi Zionism.”

The ceremony was held in an area devastated by Israel’s bombing campaign and ground incursion, with hundreds of uniformed fighters and civilians gathered nearby. Hamas fighters were showered with confetti.

The hostages incongruously smiled and waved at the cheering and whistling onlookers. In the past, Israeli officials have said that Hamas has forced hostages to appear cheerful to suggest that they were well treated.

Adm. Hagari, the Israeli military spokesman, derided the ceremony as “cynical.”

Hamas “presented a false show of taking care of the hostages, when in fact, it has cruelly held men and women for 477 days,” Adm. Hagari said.

Before the four hostages were released, Hamas held a signing ceremony on the stage, between one of its members and a representative of the Red Cross. The hostages were then driven by the Red Cross to Israeli troops stationed in the territory.

Two Israeli helicopters ferried the hostages to Beilinson Hospital in Petah Tikva, a city in central Israel, to the excited cheers of hundreds who gathered to welcome their arrival with Israeli flags.

“We wanted to show the hostages and their families how much we care for them,” said Helena Dabush, 42, who lives nearby and brought her four children along.

The released hostages were all teenagers and recent recruits into the military when they were abducted. Karina Ariev, now 20, is the daughter of immigrants from Ukraine; Daniella Gilboa, 20, is an aspiring concert pianist from central Israel; Naama Levy, 20, was a triathlete who grew up in a town north of Tel Aviv; and Liri Albag, 19, is an aspiring architect and interior designer.

There was also jubilation in the occupied West Bank city of Ramallah, where hundreds of Palestinians gathered at a municipal building to welcome the released Palestinian prisoners and pushed to get hold of their loved ones as they stepped out of Red Cross buses.

Some freed prisoners, still wearing gray uniforms apparently issued by the Israeli prison authority, were held on the shoulders of the chanting crowd.

“We leave our jail but the price is high for our freedom,” Mohammad Arda, one of the freed prisoners, told reporters, as family and friends huddled around him. “I’m thinking about the families of the inmates we lost during the past year and a half.”

The 90 prisoners released nearly a week earlier by Israel were mostly women and minors. This time, the Israeli authorities freed many people who were convicted of much heavier offenses, including the murder of Israeli civilians.

According to the Israeli government, Mr. Arda — an activist in the militant group Palestinian Islamic Jihad — had been sentenced to life for attempted murder and planting an explosive device, among other offenses. He was one of six prisoners who briefly escaped from an Israeli prison in 2021, stunning Israelis and Palestinians, before he was caught.

More than 1,500 Palestinians jailed by Israel are supposed to be released as part of the first stage of the cease-fire and hostage-release agreement. Hamas has pledged to release 33 hostages; 97 — around a third of whom the Israeli military believes are deceased — were being held in Gaza when the deal went into effect last Sunday, according to the Israeli authorities.

About 120 of the Palestinian prisoners released on Saturday were serving life sentences for involvement in attacks on Israelis, according to lists provided by the Hamas-linked prisoners’ office. Those released on Saturday included Mohammad Odeh, Wael Qassim and Wissam Abbasi, who were arrested in 2002 for a string of deadly bombings targeting Israelis in crowded civilian areas. All three were serving life sentences.

One of the group’s most infamous attacks, which took place at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, killed nine people, including five Americans.

The three men are among those slated to be exiled abroad and will never be allowed to return to their homes in Jerusalem, according to the terms of the agreement.

Still uncertain on Saturday was when displaced Palestinians in southern and central Gaza would be able to return to their neighborhoods in the north, many of which were destroyed by Israel’s bombing campaign.

The holdup in the Israeli troop withdrawal left many Palestinians in a state of anxious waiting as they were already packing their belongings, including kitchen supplies, clothing and mattress pads.

“My husband and I have been waiting for this day with so much anticipation, but I can’t help feeling frightened about the great destruction I’ll see on the way back,” said Nour Qasim, 22, originally a resident of Gaza City.

The cease-fire had been brokered by mediators from Qatar, Egypt, and representatives of both the outgoing Biden administration and the incoming Trump administration. It was a rare instance of high-profile cooperation between the two teams, but the difference in how they may regard the conflict became clear on Friday.

The Trump administration said it would proceed with a shipment of 2,000-pound bombs to Israel that last summer, then-President Joseph R. Biden Jr. abruptly halted to try to dissuade the Israeli military from destroying much of the city of Rafah, which the Israeli forces did anyway.

The shipment includes 1,800 MK-84 bombs, said a White House official, who agreed to discuss sensitive weapons aid on the condition of anonymity. Such bombs are judged by U.S. military officers to be generally too lethal and destructive for urban combat. Until the halt, the Biden administration had shipped the bombs to Israel as its military fought Hamas in Gaza.

Reporting was contributed by Fatima AbdulKarim, Afif Amireh, Natan Odenheimer, Rawan Sheikh Ahmad, Bilal Shbair, Aritz Parra and Edward Wong.

Mike Hynson, who epitomized the image of the bronzed surf god as a star of the hit 1966 surfing documentary “The Endless Summer” and, with his outlaw instincts, embodied the rebel ethos of the sport on his way to being hailed a colossus of the curl, died on Jan. 10 in Encinitas, Calif. He was 82.

His death, in a hospital, was confirmed by Donna Klaasen Jost, who collaborated with Hynson on his 2009 autobiography, “Transcendental Memories of a Surf Rebel.” She said the cause was not yet known.

Hynson arose in an era when surfing was often marginalized as a curious ritual of West Coast teenage culture, thanks to frothy matinee fare like “Beach Blanket Bingo” (1965) and a swell of Beach Boys hits. He was hailed not only for his skills on the waves, but also as a noted builder of boards, particularly the popular Red Fin longboard, which he designed for the manufacturer Gordon & Smith in 1965.

His was “one of the greatest surf lives ever lived,” Jake Howard wrote in Surfer magazine after Hynson’s death, describing him as “a hot-dog performer, a shaping genius, a cosmic adventurer” who “altered the sport and culture of surfing in an untold number of ways.”

Hynson’s life became the stuff of lore starting in 1963, when he was invited by the filmmaker Bruce Brown to join him and Robert August, another young Southern California surfer, on a trek that would lead them through Senegal, Ghana, South Africa, Australia, Tahiti, New Zealand and Hawaii, hopping the Equator to avoid the slightest chill of winter while searching for the perfect wave.

Hynson was only 21 but had already built a reputation as a maverick power surfer on the beaches around San Diego. He could be cocky and aloof, friends recalled — but not without reason: He already proved his mettle as one of the first non-native Hawaiians to ride Pipeline, on the North Shore of the Hawaiian island of Oahu, sometimes called the most dangerous wave in the world, in 1961.

He certainly looked camera ready, with his caramel tan and sun-whitened hair pomaded back in Dracula fashion, a hairstyle soon to be imitated by surfers around the world.

Mr. Brown had only $50,000 for his project, leaving his stars to pay for their own tickets around the world. To finance his trip, Hynson turned to the renowned board maker Hobie Alter, whom he had worked for, to provide him $1,400 for airfare, “even though I’d stolen nine surfboards off him a few years earlier,” he said in a 2017 interview with the British newspaper The Guardian.

Unbeknown to his strait-laced companions, Hynson brought along with him a stash of amphetamines and a three-month supply of Tijuana marijuana. “I was young, stupid and loaded,” he said in a 2009 interview with OC Weekly, an alternative newspaper in Orange County, Calif.

The first stop was Senegal, where the locals “were using wooden planks to belly board around in the waves,” Hynson told The Guardian, “so when they saw Robert and me surfing upright, they were overwhelmed.”

Bigger game awaited them. Hynson finally spotted their quarry at Cape St. Francis, on South Africa’s south coast — a “perfect reeling right-hander, without a surfer in sight,” as Surfer magazine once described it.

“On Mike’s first ride,” Mr. Brown said in his narration of “The Endless Summer,” “the first five seconds, he knew he’d finally found that perfect wave.” The waves, he added, “looked like they had been made by some kind of a machine. The rides were so long I couldn’t get them on one piece of film.”

In his autobiography, Hynson recalled the experience: “I haven’t had too many adrenaline rushes like that in my life, a pure and natural phenomenon. It was electrical. The hair on my neck stood straight up.”

Michael Lear Hynson was born on June 28, 1942, in Crescent City, Calif., near the Oregon border, the elder of two sons of Robert Hynson, an engineer who worked for the Navy, and Grace (Wheaton) Hynson. In his early years, the family divided its time between Hawaii and San Diego, finally settling in Southern California when he was 10. As a teenager, he took up surfing with a crew called the Sultans.

After graduating from La Jolla High School in San Diego, Hynson found himself dodging letters from the draft board in the early years of the Vietnam conflict. “I’d been sidestepping them for three years,” he wrote in his book. The around-the-world trip for the film, he added, “was the miracle I needed.”

The journey brought no shortage of challenges. On a layover in Mumbai on the way from South Africa to Australia, Hynson had to tape five 16-millimeter film canisters containing the treasured Cape St. Francis footage under a baggy Hawaiian shirt, to sneak it past Indian customs agents who had been confiscating cameras and film in a crackdown on unauthorized photography.

Distributors initially showed little interest. Warner Bros., Hynson wrote, “predicted it would never go beyond 10 miles from the beach.” Mr. Brown eventually proved them wrong, attracting lines around the block for a screening in Wichita, Kan., during a driving snowstorm. “The Endless Summer” went on to gross more than $30 million.

By the late 1960s, Hynson was off on another quest, this time to find enlightenment with the Brotherhood of Eternal Love, a band of psychonauts and drug smugglers in the Laguna Beach area. The Brotherhood blended elements of Eastern religion with a faith in the transformative powers of psychedelic drugs, which they dealt in such prodigious quantities that the authorities branded them the “hippie mafia.”

Hynson was soon taking LSD regularly, but he evaded arrest long enough to make another cinematic foray: He masterminded “Rainbow Bridge” (1972), which he originally conceived as a surfing film. The film, directed by Chuck Wein, a protégé of Andy Warhol, evolved into a quasi documentary about mysticism, surfing and drugs, climaxing with a Jimi Hendrix concert at the base of the Haleakala volcano in Maui.

In one scene, Hynson eagerly breaks open a surfboard and produces a hidden bag of hashish (actually Ovaltine), reflecting a smuggling tactic he had employed with the Brotherhood.

Despite the film’s giddy portrayal of drug use, Hynson’s dependence on drugs, particularly cocaine and methamphetamine, eventually led to a precipitous slide, including time behind bars for drug possession. “I hit rock bottom,” he told OC Weekly, “and then stayed there for a while.”

He eventually pulled out of his spiral and began crafting surfboards again. He credited his ex-wife, Melinda Merryweather, a former model for the Ford Agency, and his longtime partner, Carol Hannigan, as his “angels.”

Ms. Hannigan survives him, as does Michael Hynson Jr., his son from his first marriage.

In a 1986 video interview, Hynson looked back on his perfect ride in South Africa and wondered whether he and his companions had invented a surfing fantasy with it or simply reflected one already embedded in the surfer consciousness. “If we wouldn’t have had ‘Endless Summer,’” he asked, “you think there would still be this quest of a perfect wave? Think anybody would even care?”

“I didn’t particularly care,” he said. “But when I saw it, I knew exactly then that we had popped a bubble and made a dream.”

A sudden and sweeping halt to U.S. foreign aid by the Trump administration does not apply to weapons support to Israel and Egypt and emergency food assistance, according to a memo issued by the department to bureaus and U.S. missions overseas on Friday.

The same day, the White House told the Pentagon it could proceed with a shipment of 2,000-pound bombs to Israel that President Biden abruptly halted last summer to try to dissuade the Israeli military from destroying much of the city of Rafah. Israeli forces went ahead with bombing the city.

The shipment has 1,800 MK-84 bombs, a White House official said who agreed to discuss sensitive weapons aid on the condition of anonymity. Such bombs are judged by U.S. military officers to be generally too lethal and destructive for urban combat. Until the halt, the Biden administration had shipped the bombs to Israel as its military fought Hamas in Gaza.

The memo on foreign aid was sent by Secretary of State Marco Rubio and lays out how the State Department, the linked United States Agency for International Development, or U.S.A.I.D., and other agencies are expected to execute an executive order halting foreign aid during a 90-day reassessment period. President Trump signed the executive order on Monday, soon after his inauguration.

The memo requires any employee working on foreign aid to refrain from designating new funding and taking applications, and to issue “stop-work” orders to groups that have received grants. The memo has circulated online and has ignited panic among groups around the world that rely on foreign aid from the United States for their programs — which range from disease prevention to curbing infant mortality to alleviating the impact of climate change.

Some groups say they will likely stop work immediately and begin laying off employees or suspending salaries.

The State Department also oversees military aid to allies and partner nations. A line in the memo specifically exempts Israel and Egypt and any salaries paid to people who manage that aid. Both nations receive foreign military financing, which is direct money from the U.S. government for them to purchase weapons and other military equipment. They then use that money to buy arms and equipment from U.S. weapons makers, as well as to pay for military training.

The halt to foreign aid applies to military assistance to Ukraine, Taiwan, Lebanon and other partner nations, including members of NATO. Much of the recent urgent aid for Ukraine in its defensive war against Russia has been sent out already. Officials in the Biden administration anticipated that Mr. Trump would try to halt arms aid to Ukraine since he had expressed skepticism about it. Mr. Rubio was one of 15 Republican senators who voted last April against legislation centered on weapons aid to Ukraine.

The State Department did not have an immediate response when asked to comment for this story.

Military support of Israel has become a divisive issue in the United States. Israel’s devastating strikes against Palestinians in Gaza, mostly using American bombs, since Hamas attacked Israel in October 2023, have galvanized widespread criticism of the decadeslong bipartisan policy of sending military aid to Israel. Former President Joseph R. Biden Jr. approved $26 billion in military aid to Israel after the war began, and Mr. Trump has said he intends to continue supporting Israel.

Some lawmakers, particularly Democrats, also criticize the long-running U.S. policy of giving substantial arms aid to Egypt. Last year, Congress approved $1.3 billion of military aid to Egypt, but said $320 million would be conditioned on a review by the State Department of whether Egypt had improved practices around human rights. Last September, the secretary of state, Antony J. Blinken, approved that entire amount, despite persistent criticism of Egypt’s human rights record from some Democratic lawmakers and watchdog groups.

The State Department memo also orders officials to set up a central repository or database of all foreign aid given out by the U.S. government, and it says all aid must be reviewed and approved by Mr. Rubio or people whom he designates with approval authority. This is to ensure that aid is “in keeping with one voice of American foreign policy.” People who have seen the memo confirmed its authenticity to The New York Times.

The memo says the director of the office of policy planning in the department will develop guidelines for review of all foreign aid within 30 days. The director is Michael Anton, who worked on the National Security Council in the first Trump administration. Mr. Anton is known for writings that include a 2016 essay, “The Flight 93 Election,” that said conservatives must take radical action to remake America in their vision rather than stick with the status quo.